Grace Appolos, We the People

What experience or individual inspired you to join the fight for land and environmental justice?

Ken Henshaw, the Executive Director of We the People, was a significant influence on my decision to join the fight for land and environmental justice. I initially connected with him in early 2020 but didn’t fully grasp the importance of the cause at that time. It wasn’t until I officially joined the organization in June 2022 that I understood the depth of the issues. Learning about the injustices faced by indigenous communities in the Niger Delta—such as environmental degradation and the loss of rights to farmland and fishing due to oil pollution—deeply affected me.

As someone from the Niger Delta, these stories resonated with me personally, and working alongside these communities to restore their lands and environment became a fulfilling mission. Ken’s integrity, commitment to environmental justice, and steadfast focus continue to inspire and motivate me in this ongoing fight.

Was there a turning point or particular moment in your life that shaped you or had a lasting impact on your journey?

What drives me is a deep-rooted response to injustice. Despite feeling sometimes helpless in the face of immense challenges, I remain committed because I recognize there’s only so much one person can do. My inspiration comes from the resilient spirit of the people in the Niger Delta, who have endured decades of environmental injustice. Their strength in the face of such adversity is truly motivating. Additionally, organizations like the GJN, which display solidarity and provide support among communities, remind me that this fight is not carried out in isolation.

The hope that this work instills in impacted communities—that they have not been forgotten and have allies in their struggle—fuels my dedication to continue advocating for their rights and for environmental restoration and reparation.

 

Grace at an oil degraded site at Rumuekpe community, Rivers State, Nigeria.

This work can be challenging and difficult. What inspires you and helps you keep going?

The ENDSARS protest of October 2020 was a pivotal moment in my life that deeply influenced my journey and commitment to activism. This movement against police brutality in Nigeria highlighted the profound impact of collective action and the power of voices coming together to demand change.

Witnessing this, and the solidarity among Nigerians from various walks of life, reinforced my resolve to fight for justice not only in my community but in broader societal contexts as well. It was a stark reminder of the importance of standing up against injustice, and it continues to inspire my work and my dedication to environmental and social justice causes.

Renforcer le pouvoir de la communauté pour lutter contre l’injustice commence le 2 mai 2024 et se termine le 30 mai 2024. L’inscription au cours est maintenant terminée.

Le cours est disponible en anglais et en français.

Rencontrez les participants

Nous rassemblons des personnes issues de différents horizons et une chose que nous avone encommun est que nous travaillons avec les communautés pour développer leurs propres solutions aux défis auxquels elles sont confrontées et pour lutter collectivement contre l’injustice sous toutes ses formes et demander des comptes aux dirigeant.e.s . Une grande partie de ce travail est enracinée dans des contextes locaux, diversifiée et se concentre sur l’impact à long terme.

Le renforcement du pouvoir communautaire consiste à faire en sorte que les communautés les plus touchées par l’injustice agissent ensemble pour avoir beaucoup plus d’influence, un voix et un contrôle sur les décisions qui affectent leur vie. Une grande partie des connaissances sur la façon de lutter contre les injustices appartient aux communautés. L’exploitation de ces connaissances pour renforcer le pouvoir nécessite des ressources, l’approfondissement des compétences existantes et la culture du leadership communautaire.

Le renforcement du pouvoir communautaire n’est pas un concept nouveau. Nous avons fait ce travail, comme en témoignent les succès que nous pouvons tous partager. Cependant, il faut s’unir en tant que défenseur·euse·s de la justice de base pour apprendre les un.e.s des autres, sur ce qui fonctionne et ce qui ne fonctionne pas , sur la manière de pérenniser les succès de renforcer les preuves solides qui montrent que les approches qui renforcent le pouvoir de la communauté sont essentielles pour s’attaquer aux causes profondes de l’injustice et remettre en question le statuquo. Le Pouvoir défie Le Pouvoir.

Ce cours de 5 semaines sera une discussion interactive pour les membres du GJN Afrique afin de partager ce qui fonctionne pour eux et les défis auxquels ils sont confrontés sur ce thème.thème. Le cours comprendra :

• 5 appels zoom en direct (une fois par semaine) avec des animateurs.trices et des discussions en petits groupes
• Échange dans des groupes WhatsApp (par langue)

Qu’allez-vous apprendre?

Pendant cinq semaines, nous allons entreprendre un itinéraire d’apprentissage avec des défenseur·euse·s de la justice de base en Afrique et nous découvrirons les stratégies qu’ils·elles utilisent pour renforcer le pouvoir de la communauté.

• Identifier comment le pouvoir se manifeste dans les injustices que nous combattons.
• Définir le pouvoir  communautaire et voir comment il se manifeste dans notre travail
• Examiner comment nous utilisons l’autonomisation juridique pour renforcer le pouvoir des communautés
• Soit inspirée par le praticien.enne.s qui surmontent le défis pour renforcer le pouvoir communautaire
• Tirez parti des leçons de ce cours pour réfléchir à la manière de résoudre un problème rencontré dans votre communauté.

À qui s’adresse ce cours?

Ce cours est conçu pour les  parajuristes communautaires, défenseurs.euses de la justice de base ou de première ligne et personnel du programme qui travaille en étroite collaboration avec les parajuristes communautaires et les communautés.

Quelle est la durée du cours?

Le cours se déroule sur 5 semaines, du 2 mai 2024 au 30 mai 2024. Les séances se déroulent une fois par semaine, tous les jeudis, et durent 90 minutes. Vous aurez l’occasion d’interagir avec les autres participants lors des discussions en petits groupes sur Zoom et dans les groupes whatsapp respectifs.

Les sessions se tiendront de 13h30 à 15h WAT | 15h30 à 17h EAT | 14h30 à 16h SAST

Quel est le contenu principal du cours?

Sessions interactives, axées sur la théorie et le partage des connaissances et des expériences des participant.e.s :

Les thèmes sont les suivants :

2 mai:  Qu’est-ce que le pouvoir ? Cette session nous donne l’occasion d’identifier et de voir le pouvoir au cœur de chaque injustice que nous combattons.

9 mai: Pouvoir communautaire :  Au cours de cette session, nous définirons ensemble le pouvoir communautaire, nous verrons ce qu’il faut pour renforcer le pouvoir communautaire et nous identifierons ce qui nous empêche de renforcer le pouvoir.

16 mai : L’autonomisation juridique  et le pouvoir des communautés : Dans cette session, nous examinons comment nous utilisons  L’autonomisation juridique pour  renforcer et maintenir le pouvoir des communautés.

23 mai: Solutions: Dans cette session, nous explorerons les solutions aux défis soulevés avec des exemples inspirants de praticiens.

30 mai:Principaux enseignements :Au cours de cette session, nous résumons ce que nous avons appris et convenons des prochaines étapes.

From January to December, Namati and our partners supported 25,000+ people in 6 countries to address injustices involving land, environment, healthcare, and citizenship. Together, we achieved remedies that directly improved the lives of 300,000+ people, and systemic changes that affected millions more.

We invite you to explore the stories behind these facts and figures in our annual impact report. 

In these pages, you’ll also discover how the Legal Empowerment Network drove our movement for justice forward by fostering deep learning among members across borders and by co-launching a global fund with the goal of investing $100 million in grassroots justice efforts worldwide.

Nota del editor: Este artículo fue publicado por primera vez en el L.A. Times. Lo publicamos de nuevo en esta página con su autorización. Se vuelve a publicar aquí con su permiso. Para leer esta nota en inglés haga clic aquí.

He aquí un hecho vergonzoso del siglo XXI: Defender el planeta puede hacer que te maten.

En la Amazonia peruana, tres líderes indígenas fueron asesinados en el lapso de tres semanas durante febrero y marzo de este año: Herasmo García Grau, Yenes Ríos Bonsano y Estela Casanto Mauricio. Todos ellos intentaban conseguir derechos sobre sus territorios para frenar la deforestación ilegal por parte de plantaciones de coca y palma aceitera, entre otras.

Jiribati Ashaninka, presidente de ORAU, una alianza de 15 pueblos indígenas de Perú, habló conmigo en marzo por Zoom desde su casa en Ucayali, la región donde se produjeron los recientes asesinatos. “Nuestras comunidades nos han pedido a los dirigentes que luchemos” contra el acaparamiento de tierras y la deforestación ilegal, dijo. “Nos han pedido que reivindiquemos nuestros derechos, y por eso estamos en riesgo”.

El riesgo que describe existe también fuera de Perú. Global Witness contabilizó 212 asesinatos de defensores del medio ambiente denunciados públicamente en todo el mundo en 2019, el mayor número desde que empezó a hacer un seguimiento en 2012. (El recuento de 2020 aún no se ha publicado).

Ashaninka dijo que cada asesinato envía un mensaje. “Algunos de nuestros líderes han guardado silencio sobre la cuestión de los derechos a la tierra”, manifestó. “Algunos se han adentrado en el bosque para esconderse”. Dijo que los asesinatos se han producido durante años, pero nunca se ha condenado a nadie. El ministro de Asuntos Internos de Perú a veces emite un informe, comentó, pero “eso no es útil cuando estás muerto”.

La deforestación podría hacer que la Amazonia pase de ser una región que absorbe el carbono a una fuente productora de carbono. Al luchar por su hogar, personas como Grau, Ríos y Casanto nos protegen a todos. Pero no se les da el tipo de protección legal que se ofrece a los testigos en casos penales o a los que denuncian las malas prácticas de las empresas.

Un nuevo pacto regional, el Acuerdo de Escazú, que entró en vigor en América Latina y el Caribe el jueves, Día de la Tierra, será el primero en exigir a los países miembros que proporcionen protección legal a los defensores del medio ambiente.

El acuerdo también pretende que la normativa medioambiental sea más sensible a las comunidades que sufren daños. Los gobiernos de los países miembros están obligados a divulgar información sobre los proyectos industriales propuestos, a garantizar la participación temprana y genuina de la comunidad en las decisiones de concesión de permisos y a crear recursos efectivos cuando las empresas superen los límites de contaminación o se apoderen de tierras de forma ilegal.

El acuerdo de Escazú está retrasado. Mi agrupación ayuda a organizar una red de más de 2.500 grupos de justicia de base en casi todos los países del mundo. Los detalles varían, pero el patrón básico está en todas partes, desde Odisha (India) hasta KwaZulu-Natal (Sudáfrica) y Washington, D.C.: las comunidades con menos poder se llevan la peor parte de la degradación medioambiental y, cuando intentan defenderse, se enfrentan a la intimidación y las represalias.

El presidente Biden ha reconocido esta relación entre la destrucción del medio ambiente y la desigualdad, dando prioridad a la justicia medioambiental en sus planes nacionales.

Pero la política medioambiental global, incluido el enfoque de Biden, sigue siendo en gran medida tecnocrática y descendente, centrada en los compromisos nacionales de transferencia de tecnología y reducción de emisiones. Estas medidas son necesarias, pero no suficientes. El acuerdo de Escazú muestra cómo podría ser la política global de justicia medioambiental.

Cabe preguntarse si los acuerdos internacionales valen mucho, dados los graves desequilibrios de poder en juego y el hecho de que numerosos gobiernos están abrazando el hipernacionalismo. Pero los activistas informan de que Escazú ya ha marcado la diferencia.

Gabriela Burdiles, abogada del grupo chileno de justicia medioambiental FIMA, me dijo que las negociaciones multilaterales sobre Escazú han contribuido a que los derechos medioambientales sean un tema destacado en el debate sobre la nueva Constitución de Chile. Aída Gamboa Balbín, que dirige el programa de la Amazonia de la organización peruana Derecho, Ambiente y Recursos Naturales, señaló que, sin las negociaciones de Escazú, la sociedad civil no habría podido convencer al gobierno peruano de crear su primer tribunal dedicado a los delitos ambientales, lo que ocurrió en 2018.

En los 12 países que han ratificado Escazú, entre ellos México, Bolivia y Argentina, el verdadero trabajo comienza esta semana, cuando los movimientos locales de justicia ambiental empezarán a presionar para que se aplique de forma efectiva. Burdiles, que coordina con defensores de la causa ambiental en toda la región, dice que tener la palanca común del acuerdo hará que esos movimientos sean más fuertes.

Si el gobierno de Biden está dispuesto a tomarse en serio la justicia ambiental, tanto en el extranjero como en casa, debería apoyar las negociaciones para un acuerdo global de Escazú como segunda parte del acuerdo climático de París. Es tanto una cuestión de justicia como de supervivencia planetaria. “No puede haber cambio climático sin zonas de sacrificio”, escribe Hop Hopkins, agricultor urbano y organizador de la justicia medioambiental. “Y no puede haber zonas de sacrificio sin gente desechable”.

Los que se benefician de las zonas de sacrificio colaboran habitualmente a través de las fronteras nacionales. Es hora de que quienes luchan para garantizar que ninguna comunidad sea desechable tengan las herramientas y el marco legal para trabajar también a través de las fronteras.

Editor’s Note: This article was first published in the L.A. Times. It is re-published here with their permission. For a Spanish-language version, click here. 

Here’s a shameful fact about the 21st century: Standing up for the planet can get you killed.

In the Peruvian Amazon, three Indigenous leaders were murdered in the span of three weeks during February and March of this year: Herasmo García Grau, Yenes Ríos Bonsano and Estela Casanto Mauricio. All of them were attempting to secure land rights over their territories to stop illegal deforestation by, among others, coca and oil palm plantations.

Jiribati Ashaninka, president of ORAU, an alliance of 15 Indigenous peoples in Peru, spoke to me in March by Zoom from his home in Ucayali, the region where the recent killings took place. “Our communities have asked us leaders to fight’’ against land grabbing and illegal deforestation, he said. “They have asked us to claim our rights, and because of that we are at risk.”

The risk he describes exists outside Peru as well. Global Witness counted 212 publicly reported killings of environmental defenders worldwide in 2019, the largest number since it started tracking in 2012. (The 2020 count is not yet published).

Ashaninka said every murder sends a message. “Some of our leaders have gone silent on the issue of land rights,” he said. “Some have gone deeper into the forest to hide.” He said killings have occurred for years, but no one has ever been convicted. Peru’s minister of internal affairs sometimes issues a report, he said, but “that isn’t useful when you’re dead.”

Deforestation could turn the Amazon from a carbon sink into a carbon source. By fighting for their home, people such as Grau, Ríos and Casanto are protecting all of us. But they aren’t given the kinds of legal protections extended to witnesses in criminal cases or corporate whistleblowers.

A new regional pact, the Escazú agreement, which comes into force in Latin America and the Caribbean on Earth Day, Thursday, would be the first to require member nations to provide legal protections to environmental defenders.

The agreement also aims to make environmental regulation more responsive to communities facing harm. Member governments are required to disclose information about proposed industrial projects, ensure early and genuine community participation in permitting decisions, and create effective remedies when companies exceed pollution limits or seize land unlawfully.

The Escazú agreement is overdue. My organization helps organize a network of more than 2,500 grass-roots justice groups from nearly every country in the world. The specifics vary, but the basic pattern is everywhere, from Odisha, India; to KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa; to Washington, D.C.: Communities with less power bear the brunt of environmental degradation, and when they try to stand up for themselves, they face intimidation and retaliation.

President Biden, to his credit, has acknowledged this connection between environmental destruction and inequality by prioritizing environmental justice in his domestic plans.

But global environmental policy, including Biden’s approach to it, continues to be largely technocratic and top-down, focused on national commitments to transfer technology and reduce emissions. Those measures are necessary but not sufficient. The Escazú agreement shows what global environmental justice policy could look like.

You might wonder whether international agreements are worth much, given the severe power imbalances at play and the fact that many governments are embracing hyper-nationalism. But activists report that Escazú has already made a difference.

Gabriela Burdiles, a lawyer with the Chilean environmental justice group FIMA, told me that multilateral negotiations over Escazú have helped make environmental rights a prominent subject in the debate over Chile’s new constitution. Aída Gamboa Balbín, who leads the Amazon program of the Peruvian organization Derecho, Ambiente y Recursos Naturales, said that, without the Escazú negotiations, civil society would not have been able to persuade the Peruvian government to create its first court dedicated to environmental crimes, which happened in 2018.

In the 12 countries that have ratified Escazú, including Mexico, Bolivia and Argentina, the real work begins this week, when local environmental justice movements will start pushing for effective implementation. Burdiles, who coordinates with advocates throughout the region, says having the common lever of the agreement will make those movements stronger.

If the Biden administration is willing to take environmental justice seriously abroad as well as at home, it should support negotiations for a global Escazú agreement as Part 2 of the Paris climate accord. It’s both a matter of justice and a matter of planetary survival. “You can’t have climate change without sacrifice zones,” writes Hop Hopkins, an urban farmer and environmental justice organizer. “And you can’t have sacrifice zones without disposable people.”

Those who profit from sacrifice zones regularly collaborate across national borders. It’s time that those working to ensure that no community is disposable have the tools and legal framework to work across borders, too.

If, like me, you’ve felt blue at times during this last year, or tired, or hopeless, this 2019-2020 impact report might be a tonic. You’ll find here stories of ordinary people taking on grave injustice, and winning.

You’ll read how a grieving mother in Mozambique organized with her neighbors to end systemic corruption at the hospital they depend on. How communities in Myanmar stopped unlawful manganese mines from destroying their forests, water, and farmland. How residents from a low-income, majority African-American neighborhood in Washington DC forced the city’s largest infrastructure project to reduce its air pollution.

You’ll read how, tested by the pandemic, our global community of grassroots justice groups — over 2,400 organizations, from nearly every country in the world — has strived to meet this moment. How we came together to create the COVID-19 Grassroots Justice Fund, which has made more of that vital work possible.

Learning from our successes is important, because we face profound challenges. Several paralegals we work with in Myanmar are now in hiding, and one is in prison, because of stands they took in favor of democracy. Most team members with our partner in India are dealing with COVID themselves or caring for sick loved ones. In Peru, three Indigenous leaders — partners of our network member Derecho, Ambiente y Recursos Naturales — were killed in February and March 2021 for resisting illegal deforestation.

Worldwide, the share of the population in extreme poverty is likely to increase for the first time since the 1990s. The Director of the World Health Organization declared we’ve reached an era of vaccine apartheid. The global Democracy Index had its lowest overall score in 2020 since The Economist started tracking in 2006. And we are on course to experience catastrophic climate change, which will affect poor and exploited communities the most.

The only things that can conquer challenges like these are movements of people committed to justice. And our movement is stronger and more determined than ever.

We look forward to joining hands with you on the road ahead.

Across the world, communities are being displaced and denied access to their land and natural resources on an industrial scale. Global investment in natural resource exploitation is having profound effects on who can use land and resources — creating opportunity for some, but having devastating impacts on many. At the same time, the courageous community organizers and national advocates who work to challenge irresponsible resource developments must overcome huge gaps in power and information between themselves and the proponents of developments.

But exploitative and irresponsible resource development is not inevitable.

Lawyers for Resource Justice is a new collaboration between Namati, International Senior Lawyers Project and Avaaz. This initiative connects grassroots organizations with volunteer international lawyers who provide customized, high-power legal support to empower vulnerable communities to use the law to protect their rights and amplify their voice internationally.

We believe that communities and national advocates, not external experts, are the leading agents of social change. At the same time, these local champions can often benefit significantly from the support of international lawyers who can help hold international investors to account in their home jurisdictions. The purpose of Lawyers for Resource Justice is to offer communities and national advocates increased access to customized, strategic legal support when and how they choose.

Collaborations between local advocates, community organizers, and international lawyers can effectively support communities to protect their rights, lands, and environment. Cases like the ones highlighted on our website from Cambodia, Liberia, and Kenya demonstrate how communities and grassroots advocates can leverage international legal support to hold governments and investors accountable if they fail to protect and respect human rights.

Organizations can request legal support at resourcejustice.org. There is no application deadline, but we cannot guarantee assistance to all applicants. We strongly encourage applications from groups working on proposed or anticipated resource development projects. The earlier we start, the more legal strategies are available.

We believe that collaboration between international and local experts can build vital supports for communities to prevent and remedy damages from resource development in their homelands. Working together, grassroots communities, national advocates, and international allies can defend a true rights-based approach to resource development.

Apply here now

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Read our post on the Devex blog

Marena Brinkhurst is the Program Associate with Namati’s Community Land Protection program.

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